The political, economic and social situation in Europe  after the European elections appears to be very dynamic  and unstable. Explaining the situation today, we could  say that we are on the brink between an eclipse of politics  and, on the other hand, a rebirth of politics. Europe witnesses  today a deepening of the political crisis which probably  will take two different ways: There is a danger of a further  crisis of politics with an even greater alienation of the  masses from it. And there is the possibility of a reconstruction  of politics with the recovery of a major political role  for the masses in Europe.

This analysis may be very important for us. Because I  think the intervention of a political force like ours can  in the future have bigger consequences in one sense or  the other. The very instability of the current political  situation gives us the chance of a greater intervention,  of more influence. At the same time our exposition to the  dangers is bigger. We can rapidly become main actors on  the political scene of Europe, but we also run the risk  of being marginalised in the political life of the continent.  For this reason I think that the birth of the European  Party has been an extraordinary event. It is offering us  an exceptional chance. A trend that emerged in the last  European election proves this analysis. The member parties  of the European Left Party achieved good results. Some  were very positive, there are also some exceptions, which  the comrades will explain in more detail. The same is to  be said for the parties which form the GUE/NGL Group in  the European Parliament.

Generally speaking, I think the results of these European  elections are reflecting three main tendencies:

First, we can see a recovery of the strength of the left  opposition. This is a left opposition because of its political  contents. An opposition to the imperial war in Iraq on  one hand and to the neo-liberal policies on the other.  This tendency is showing itself not only in Europe, but  also - for instance - in India. We saw it during the recent  national elections in France and Spain. In the European  elections this tendency manifested itself in the opposition  against right-wing governments. But it went also against  labour, socialist, social democratic or centre-left governments when they were carrying out neo-liberal and war policies.  The Blair government was hit for of all these reasons and  the Schroeder government defeated for some of them. So  we can say that in Europe there is a mass opposition of  the left.

Second: There is another kind of opposition which goes  not only against government policies but against the political  system. It is manifesting itself in the alienation of the  masses from politics. This tendency cannot be defined as  indifference to politics. It is a new political phenomenon, contradictory and ambiguous, which assumes the form of  abstention from the vote or of protest vote. And the protest  vote can be given to different political subjects, sometimes  even to right-wing political parties. But it can also express  itself as in Britain through the vote for the Liberal party.  It is a vote expressing itself in various ways, depending  on whether the left is in government or in opposition.  Where the left is in opposition this vote is absorbed by  the overall vote against the right-wing government. Where  the left is in government, it assumes the form of a protest  vote. That is an important political problem for us.

Third: There is an opposition against the construction  of the political institutions of the present Europe, the  kind of Europe that is being built for years. This does  not manifest an anti-European attitude. This opposition  is not necessarily a nationalist one either. In this attitude many factors and elements are combined. It usually takes  the form of abstention from the vote. This seems to be  the case particularly in some Central and East European  countries but not only there. In many other countries the  turnout has been very weak. It is often the lower social classes that have this attitude. Italy seems to be an exception.  But there, it is true, the poll has been increased by the  national situation - the growing opposition to the right-wing  Berlusconi government. The high participation shows the  protest against this government. Besides, we have to see  that in many places of Italy we had local elections on  the same day.

So, generally spoken, the phenomenon of a distance of  the people from the construction of Europe exists. Some  of the three tendencies described can be summarised in  this way. For different reasons the social Europe has got  into opposition to the political Europe. Our political initiative, our political action should start from here.  When we try to unify all these different kinds of opposition  into a left class opposition we have to work out a political  operation. We have to enable the European Left Party to  accomplish this. It is full of chances and risks. But the  real danger is that the people in Europe will have a more  and more discouraging perspective. Let me give some examples:

For instance the change of the EU-Commission Chairman.  Prodi was not good, but Barroso is even worse. Barroso  is the personification of a pro-American attitude and a  neo-liberal policy. With him neo-liberal policies will  take over the rule of the new European Commission. And  that at a time when neo-liberal policies are in crisis,  are declining in all European countries. It seems that  Europe is the last actor to realise this. It encloses itself  in a neo-liberal fortress. At the same time in Europe,  and not only in Europe but all over the world it is obvious  that neo-liberal policies have failed.

Second, in the European Parliament the conservative forces  regained the majority, which is a pity in itself. But even  worse is that the moderate Left is going for compromises  with the conservatives. There is only one parliament in  Europe where there is no opposition: the European Parliament.  Even for the election of the EP President an agreement  has been reached between conservatives and leftists.

Third, the new European constitution has been radically  criticised by all peoples of Europe. But instead of reopening  the debate on the constitution, it is closed. And in the  end of October the treaty will be signed. But, as you know,  this is a constitution which institutionalizes the market.  It is a regression compared with all constitutions of the European states adopted after the Second World War. By  this even more masses will be alienated from the European  process and from politics. Therefore, the strength of our  intervention depends on our capability to oppose this tendency.  To do this, we have at least two opportunities.

The first one is given to us by the growth of the social  movements in Europe. I have in mind the forces critical  of globalisation which will stage the next meeting of the  European Social Forum (ESF) in London. This will be an  important event for us. The anti-war-movement has demonstrated its ability to make itself heard. But the social struggles  and the workers struggles are also achieving important  results. I think we should devote one of our next meetings  to the analysis of the social conflicts in Europe. That  is to say, to the situation of the struggles and the trade  unions in Europe. There are important differences from  one country to the other. And there is the huge problem  of unifying these struggles.

In Italy we have a new season, as we say, of social conflicts.  Through their struggles workers for the first time after  20 years are gaining complete achievements. And nevertheless  the situation is not easy. Sometimes in the unions you  have leftist political positions but moderate positions  in the social field. Or it is the other way round. I was  very much impressed by the German IG Metall initiatives  which put into question the historic relationship between  the SPD and the unions. At the same time this very union  signs an agreement on a 40-hours working week. In Britain  some trade unions think about stopping their financial  support for the Labour Party. They are looking out for  other political partners. This is a new phase in the relationship  between social conflicts, trade unions and politics. It  gives us another opportunity, a background for our intervention.  This is a new situation loaded with chances and risks.

In Europe a pendulum is swinging. Where the Left is in  opposition, it profits from the popular protest against  the right-wing governments. Big hopes are put on us. But  then the votes go to the moderate Left. If it gets into  government and carries out a neo-liberal policy, it causes  a crisis in the relations with the popular masses, and  the left is divided. We have to stop this logic of the  pendulum, to create an alternative to it. This can be done  in three directions:

• We shall be present in the social movements. We shall  be growing with them and within them.
• We shall build and strengthen the EL, win new parties  and parts of the movements, for instance the trade unions,  for it and its activities.
• We shall organize our own political campaigns as EL.  We need an agenda of such political action.

 These should deal, firstly, with the problems of war  and peace: We shall demand to call back all foreign troops  from Iraq.

We could promote together with others a peace conference  for Palestine. This could be carried out in two parts -  the first one in Ramallah, against the Wall, and the second  one in a European city on the Geneva agreement.

A second campaign should be focused on social and environmental issues. I think that a campaign on wages and pensions in  Europe could be particularly effective. At the same time  we could think about a European conference on work and  employment. In many European countries we have now a dramatic  split between the situation of traditional workers, who  are getting a more or less regular salary, and those working  under precarious conditions. I am thinking of a European conference trying to unify the two labour worlds, focussing  on wages and workers' rights.

Thirdly, a campaign on the European constitution. In this  case we should try to make a quality leap in the relationship  between the countries of Western and Eastern Europe. The  European left parties should get closer to the reality  and the experience of the East European countries to overcome  the differences and difficulties that exist. This would  also be useful for the growth of the European Left Party  itself. I think a common point on which we can start this  work, is the opposition to this European constitution.  Here we should focus on the idea of a European construction from below, of a constitution for the peoples of Europe.  I think this could foster our growth. It could be useful  if we contribute together with the European Social Forum  to a European demonstration on the occasion of the signature  of the Constitutional Treaty. We could call an assembly  of the European Left Party on a rewriting of the European  constitution some days before the demonstration.

Together with these three campaigns we will have to discuss  - during our session tomorrow - about the tools by which  we will organise this work. One thing I allow myself to  say in this regard is that we should be particularly attentive  to the women's issue. Because when thinking about the construction  of our party, the tools of its work and its political initiatives,  I think that women should play a central part.

Thank you for your attention. Sorry for having talked  longer than scheduled.